Thursday, November 11, 2010
La Familia Splitting Up?
The government's reaction was, We cannot make deals with criminals. I understand and support that predisposition, but I think that was the wrong response here. Assuming the offer was genuine, it should have been something like, "Michoacán's security is very important to us, and we are always examining ways to improve security there, as across the nation. Former criminals who renounce their criminal groups run much less risk of being arrested or killed by security forces." After all, if you want the gang to disappear (which maybe the government doesn't, at least not in this way, because of the vacuum that would result), you have to give them some sort of olive branch.
Also, if they do break up, I wonder if they'd get back together for a reunion tour of bloodshed in like 15 years, when all of their solo efforts turned out to be less satisfying than they'd expected.
Update: Upon rereading, yesterday's reaction comes across as extremely credulous. I'd like to clarify that I don't think that all of the gang will demobilize, though I do think there's a possibility that the top level of gangsters really does want to retire. I also think there's a good chance that the offer was hooey. But I don't think the government loses anything with something like the response I outlined, and many big-time traffickers have historically sought an easy, non-violent way out of the trap their life has become. If there is a chance that this message is legitimate and sincere, the government can and should subtly encourage their retirement without sitting down to negotiate.
Wednesday, November 10, 2010
The Lamest Form of Political Horn-Tooting
Ex-mayor José Ángel Pérez was a big proponent of this approach in Torreón. I believe his big opening was 100 public works in his first 100 days. However, you'd be hard pressed to point to eight public building projects that were more complicated than a series of speed bumps, and as I've discussed in the past, the more complicated ones seemed needlessly costly and complicated. It's also noteworthy that despite his 100 projects, Pérez left office widely considered a failure.
Military Aid to Mexico
This doesn't really surprise me that much, given the increase in visits by American military brass to Mexico in the past couple of years, from Gates on down. Boz has some interesting commentary on the subject as well:The U.S. military has begun to work closely with Mexico's armed forces, sharing information and training soldiers in an expanding effort to help that country battle its violent drug cartels, according to U.S. and Mexican officials.
U.S. military officials have been hesitant to discuss publicly their growing ties with Mexico, for fear of triggering a backlash among a Mexican public wary of interference. But current and former officials say the U.S. military has instructed hundreds of Mexican officers in the past two years in subjects such as how to plan military operations, use intelligence to hunt traffickers and observe human rights.
The Pentagon's counternarcotics funding for Mexico has nearly tripled, from $12.2 million in 2008 to more than $34 million in 2010, according to estimates by the Government Accountability Office.
In any conversation about US military aid to Mexico, someone will immediately remark about how the Mexican public will oppose military aid because of the historical tensions. It's a mandatory line in any article about this issue. This leads to three possible conclusions:I tend to agree, and I'd also say that fears of Mexican nationalism are often stronger than the nationalism itself. Obviously, Mexicans don't want the 82nd Airborne patrolling in Zacatecas, but I think the number of people who are going to be truly apoplectic about this, and not just trying to make political hay, is pretty limited. I know people in the States assume Mexicans are permanently scarred by the Mexican War and therefore extremely distrustful of all things having to do with the US, especially its government. The Mexican War and the loss of territory certainly plays a big role in kids' history lessons growing up, and there's an element of lingering fear, but Mexicans increasingly have first-hand knowledge of the US that weighs much more heavily than events that they know only from classes. In my experience (which was in the North, which could affect my thinking) your average Mexican isn't much different than your average non-American in his views toward the US and its military, which is to say, once again, that no one wants American troops on Mexican streets, but $35 million in aid and some limited training programs aren't going to spark a popular uprising. That's not to say that there aren't risks, but the Mexican public is completely capable of concluding that the benefits (i.e., greater capacity to take down drug traffickers, perhaps evidenced by the Mexican marines' long and successful hunts for Tony Tormenta and Arturo Beltrán Leyva) outweigh the risks.
1. Don't do it.
2. Do it, defend the policy publicly and accept the criticism.
3. Do it and don't talk about it.
I know lots of commentators who believe the first option. I happen to be a supporter of the second option, believing that military aid is important but an abundance of transparency should come with that aid, even if it means facing criticism. Mexico is a democracy and their president or Congress can reject the aid. If they accept it and the public disagrees, they can vote differently next election. If controversial military aid is going to be provided, this is a debate that needs to occur publicly and with some level of accountability. The US officials providing the aid and the Mexican officials receiving it should be willing and even eager to discuss the issue in public.
Tuesday, November 9, 2010
New Group
Why World Leaders Shouldn't Use Twitter
Monday, November 8, 2010
Bad Archbishop
Should he be found guilty, I wonder how this would effect the Transparency International rankings. Do they take dirty priests into account?
A Popular Pledge
Consequences of Tony Tormenta's Death
Also, there is speculation that this is good news for the Zetas, which it probably is, though it's always very difficult to predict the exact ramifications of any episode in an industry where everyone hides their activities.
Marine high-ups are saying that they were on Ezequiel Cárdenas' trail for six months, which is a lot like what they said after they killed Arturo Beltrán Leyva. One wonders if it's all talk, or if they are just a lot better at doing the painstaking tracking that works against the capos. If so, that institutional knowledge should be exported.
Criminal PR
The press releases began arriving about four months ago, she said. They come by email, often including photos, to a police reporter who, it is assumed for bribes, is the Zeta liaison with the press, Lopez said. The reporter sends them on to other reporters who file them to their papers.A similar, though not so novel, example of gangs focusing on their PR: Carlos Montemayor, La Barbie's alleged criminal heir, released a statement saying his group had nothing to do with the 20 murdered Michoacanos in Acapulco.
There are two editorial lines in the press releases. According to Lopez, the Zetas write their “stories” to make the Mexican army look bad. The army is deployed in the state to help fight the Zetas. So the Zetas send stories about army human rights abuses. “Some of those stories are accurate in a small way, but they are exaggerated. Sometimes they are not true,” Lopez said.
And, then, Lopez said, the Zetas want to make the local police look good. “They protect the police because the police are their allies,” she said. “We get stories about how the police or the chief are so wonderful, especially the chief.”
At first, Lopez said, there were three or four news releases a month. Now it's two or three a week, and the releases are reaching into the society pages. Recently, there was one about the birthday party of a 5-year-old boy, apparently the son of someone high in the gang.
Sunday, November 7, 2010
Impunity
Curfew?
Update: Or perhaps not. Gtodon points out in comments that there is nothing on the story on the news wires, and that someone from Brownsville is denying the news in the comments below the Excélsior piece.
Saturday, November 6, 2010
Narcobloqueos Outside of the Northeast
Elect a Shady Politician and Shady Things Ensue
The PAN's Best Hope
Big News
Friday, November 5, 2010
From Anonymous Miners to National Heroes to the Inspiration for Porn
The PRI's Next President
Bodies Found
Before the first two bodies were found, a video posted on YouTube showed two men _ their hands apparently tied behind their backs _ telling an unseen interrogator that they killed "the Michoacanos" and buried them in the area.This new gang may be the same as the Pacific South Cartel, but if not, that makes two new groups trying to emerge from the ashes of Beltrán's network.
The two bodies found by police were wearing the same clothes as the pair seen in the video and were lying atop the mass grave.
A sign left between the two men read: "The people they killed are buried here." It was signed by Acapulco's Independent Cartel _ a little known drug gang that has been claiming responsibility for killings in the area over the past two months.
The group is believed to be a breakaway faction of the Beltran Leyva gang, whose top leaders have recently been killed or captured. The men interrogated in the video appear to be members of a rival faction.
Also, the body of the brother of ex-Chihuahua prosecutor Patricia González has been found, and eight of his alleged captors have been arrested as well.
Just a Guess
Police in the United States have arrested 45 people they accuse of belonging to the Mexican drug cartel La Familia Michoacana.This is just a hunch, as I've read nothing, but I suspect that the vast majority of those arrested were American citizens who are only marginally closer to La Tuta and the rest of the hierarchy than you or I.
Agents also seized cash, guns and drugs as part of their operation against the cell, based in Atlanta, Georgia.
Mexican Humans Slightly More Developed in 2010
Thursday, November 4, 2010
Mexican Auto Industry Triumphalism
Automobile production has taken off in Mexico this year as the country recovers from its worst recession last year since 1932. Car exports to September reached 1.4m units, up 71.2 per cent on last year and 10.5 per cent on 2008, the best year on record.
[Break]
The growth has come mainly in so-called “compact” and “sub-compact” vehicles as manufacturers discover that Mexico offers one of the best export platforms to meet global consumers’ increasing preference for smaller, cheaper cars.
In addition to VW’s $1bn investment to develop and produce the new Jetta in Mexico, Ford this year turned its Cuautitlán stamping and assembly truck plant into a production facility for its Fiesta compact model, which it will sell in North America.
Since 2008 Ford has invested about $3bn in Mexico, including a 25,800 sq m expansion at Cuautitlán with its five new lines of presses and 270 robots, a new diesel-engine plant in the northern state of Chihuahua and a new plant to supply automatic transmissions for the new Fiesta.
[Break]“You can produce an SUV anywhere in the world and make a profit but you can’t make a compact car anywhere,” said Mr Karig. “That is why Mexico has emerged as a global centre for producing small cars.”
Happy with Cali
Wednesday, November 3, 2010
Mexico's Newest Crime Wave
Many residents already know that you have to be crazy to wear jewelry or watches because around here the robbery of such articles is common, despite the police presence.Over/under before this gets turned into evidence of the worsening situation in Mexico in the American media: 17 days. (My money's on Fox News.) A possible lede for such a story:
The unwritten rule used to be that decapitations were fine, but an honorable kingpin didn't touch his victim's jewels. Now, in an unprecedented turn of events marking the descent of the nation under Felipe Calderón, a man's Rolex is no longer off limits.
